Social Settings
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The survey probed these issues in several ways. The findings show that people use their phones in such gatherings with mixed impacts on the social dynamic of the group and varied feelings about the appropriateness of their phone usage. There are times when people use their phones to further the activities of the group and there are times when phone use is a tactic of social disengagement.
Additionally, 85% of whites say that cell use during social gatherings frequently or occasionally hurts the gathering, compared with 71% of blacks and 76% of Hispanics who say the same. And 69% of whites say such phone use rarely or never contributes to the atmosphere of the gathering, compared with 62% of blacks and 60% of Hispanics.
Despite their general concerns about the impact of cellphones in social settings, the vast majority of cell owners say they themselves use their phones during their own social gatherings. However, they often say they use their phones in these settings in order to do things that connect to the group.
In this survey, cellphone owners were asked to think about the most recent time they were at a social gathering and to indicate whether they used their cellphone in various ways during that gathering. Overall, 89% of cellphone owners ages 18 and older say that they used their phone in at least one of the ways we asked about. A majority of cell owners indicated that they used their phone to read or send messages, take photos or videos, or receive an incoming call during their most recent social gathering. Fewer used their phones to disengage entirely from the group, such as checking to see if they had any alerts, placing a call, using an app, or searching or browsing the web.
In general, smartphone owners were significantly more likely to have done many of these at a recent social gathering, even when the activities are not necessarily smartphone-specific. For instance, 73% of smartphone owners read a message such as a text or email, compared with 30% of regular cellphone owners. In addition, 70% of smartphone owners took a photo or video during their most recent social gathering, compared with 27% of regular cellphone owners, and 64% of smartphone owners sent one, compared with 22% of regular cellphone owners.
Moreover, younger cellphone owners were far more likely to have used their phones in each of these ways at a recent social gathering than older cell users. Fully 98% of young adults used their phone for at least one of these reasons during a recent gathering, compared with 69% of cell owners 65 and older.
Cellphone owners ages 18 to 29 are more likely to have turned to their screen during a recent social gathering for some of the individual activities we queried, including reading messages, sending messages, using apps, looking for alerts and browsing the web.
In a follow-up question, we asked those who said they had recently used their phone at a social gathering the reasons for their cellphone use. Among the reasons we asked about, the most common responses relate to activities that add to the immediate gathering, rather than retreat from it. A relatively large number of those who used their phone during a recent social gathering did so to:
A similar dynamic applies to the age of cell owners. Those under age 50 (91%) are more likely than older adults to say someone else used a phone at their most recent social gathering, particularly those ages 65 and older (78%). Smartphone users also more likely than regular cell users to say someone else used a phone, as are people living in higher income households or those who have higher levels of education. There are no significant differences by gender or by race or ethnicity.
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From 2004 to 2014, the Foundation supported research to understand and improve the everyday social settings that influence youth development. Studies enriched theory and knowledge of how schools, neighborhoods, families, and after-school programs affect youth.
It is still unclear which observational learning mechanisms underlie the transmission of difficult problem-solving skills in chimpanzees. In particular, two different mechanisms have been proposed: imitation and emulation. Previous studies have largely failed to control for social factors when these mechanisms were targeted.
To manage the tension between social anxiety and the need to connect, Dr. Khanna recommended starting with small steps and building up. For example, instead of jumping into round-robin reading, a teacher can have pairs read aloud to each other, then to a group of five, then to the whole class.
When we interact with others, the context in which our actions take place plays a major role in our behavior. This means that our understanding of objects, words, emotions, and social cues may differ depending on where we encounter them. Here, we explain how context affects daily mental processes, ranging from how people see things to how they behave with others. Then, we present the social context network model. This model explains how people process contextual cues when they interact, through the activity of the frontal, temporal, and insular brain regions. Next, we show that when those brain areas are affected by some diseases, patients find it hard to process contextual cues. Finally, we describe new ways to explore social behavior through brain recordings in daily situations.
Everything you do is influenced by the situation in which you do it. The situation that surrounds an action is called its context. In fact, analyzing context is crucial for social interaction and even, in some cases, for survival. Imagine you see a man in fear: your reaction depends on his facial expression (e.g., raised eyebrows, wide-open eyes) and also on the context of the situation. The context can be external (is there something frightening around) or internal (am I calm or am I also scared). Such contextual cues are crucial to your understanding of any situation.
Contextual cues are important for interpreting social situations. Yet, they have been largely ignored in the world of science. To fill this gap, our group proposed the social context network model [1]. This model describes a brain network that integrates contextual information during social processes. This brain network combines the activity of several different areas of the brain, namely frontal, temporal, and insular brain areas (Figure 2). It is true that many other brain areas are involved in processing contextual information. For instance, the context of an object that you can see affects processes in the vision areas of your brain [4]. However, the network proposed by our model includes the main areas involved in social context processing. Even contextual visual recognition involves activity of temporal and frontal regions included in our model [5].
To summarize, combining what you experience with the social context relies on a brain network that includes the frontal, insular, and temporal regions. Thanks to this network, we can interpret all sorts of social events. The frontal areas adjust and update what you think, feel, and do depending on present and past happenings. These areas also predict possible events in your surroundings. The insula combines signals from within and outside your body to produce a specific feeling. The temporal regions associate objects and persons with the current situation. So, all the parts of the social context network model work together to combine contextual information when you are in social settings.
Another disease that may result from problems processing contextual information is called behavioral variant frontotemporal dementia. Patients with this disease exhibit changes in personality and in the way they interact with others, after about age 60. They may do improper things in public. Like people with autism, they may not show empathy or may not recognize emotions easily. Also, they find it hard to deal with the details of context needed to understand social events. All these changes may reflect general problems processing social context information. These problems may be caused by damage to the brain network described above.
Our model can also explain patients with damage to the frontal lobes or those who have conditions such as schizophrenia or bipolar disorder [7]. Schizophrenia is a mental disorder characterized by atypical social cognition and inability to distinguish between real and imagined world (as in the case of hallucinations). Similar but milder problems appear in patients with bipolar disorder, which is another psychiatric condition mainly characterized by oscillating periods of depression and periods of elevated mood (called hypomania or mania).
In sum, the problems with social behavior seen in many diseases are probably linked to poor context processing after damage to certain brain areas, as proposed by our model (Figure 2). Future research should explore how correct this model is, adding more data about the processes and regions it describes.
One limitation of hyperscanning is that it typically requires participants to remain still. However, real-life interactions involve many bodily actions. Fortunately, a new method called mobile brain/body imaging (MoBI, Figure 3C) allows the measurement of brain activity and bodily actions while people interact in natural settings.
Another interesting approach is to use virtual reality. This technique involves fake situations. However, it puts people in different situations that require social interaction. This is closer to real life than the tasks used in most laboratories. As an example, consider Figure 3D. This shows a virtual reality experiment in which participants traveled through an underground tube station in London. Our understanding of the way context impacts social behavior could be expanded in future virtual reality studies. 59ce067264
https://www.fireflystreet.com/forum/welcome-to-the-q-a-forum/object-of-obsession